Showing posts with label Supreme Court. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Supreme Court. Show all posts

Sunday, May 17, 2015

King v. Burwell

This post has been quite delayed. Around December of last year, I read the question put forward to the Supreme Court in King v. Burwell, and I was slightly perplexed as to why (besides for the obvious politics of the ACA) this case was granted certiorari.

On March 4, 2015 the Oral Arguments were made. Without going too deep into it, March was a busy month for me personally, and honestly I missed the whole proceedings.

The main reason I am writing this article now is that my interest was peeked, when I heard speculation that Chief Justice Roberts may either concur or agree with a majority in Obergefell v. Hodges to buy cover for ruling against the Government in King v. Burwell.

I do not like to tea read, particularly when it comes to the Supreme Court. After listening to quite a few oral arguments, I find speculation to be mostly pointless. That is not to say that oral arguments are pointless to listen to.

The Justices are not advocates; thus it is often difficult to ascertain how they will rule based off of the questions they ask. For example some of the most difficult question during the oral arguments for the Plaintiffs in Obergefell came from Justice Breyer, who in all likelihood will rule in favor of the plaintiffs.


Point One


The crux of  case lies with the reading of sections 1311 and 1321 of the ACA. While I understand that I am typically biased towards Justice Breyer, I cannot find an agreement from the Plaintiffs that satisfies his central point:
"If you're going to elaborate on that, I would appreciate your ­­ in your elaboration, I've read that, and this statute is like the tax code more than it's like the Constitution. There are defined terms, and the words you just used concern a defined term.  As I read the definition, there's a section, Definitions, and it says, quote, The term "Exchange" means, quote, an exchange established under 1311.  And 1311 says, An Exchange shall be a government agency, et cetera, that is established by a State.  Those are the definitions.  So then you look to 1321. And 1321 says, if a State does not set up that Exchange, then the Federal, quote, secretary shall establish and operate such Exchange.  So it says, "The Secretary is to establish and operate such Exchange," the only kind of Exchange to which the Act refers, which is an ­­ quote, "an Exchange established by a State under 1311." That's the definition.  So the statute tells the Secretary, set up such Exchange, namely, a 1311 State Exchange.... and there's nothing else in this statute....so that's throughout what they're talking about.  So what's the problem?"
After quite a long hypothetical from Justice Kagan, which very bluntly explains what a substitution is, Justice Breyer and the attorney for the Plaintiff get into a bit of a discussion on epistemology:
Mr. Carvin:  We implore you to examine these words in the context of the Act as a whole because our argument becomes stronger for five reasons.  To respond to Justice Breyer's point, he says such Exchange connotes that it's the same person doing it. But look at the provision on territorial Exchanges.  It says, territories can establish such Exchanges and then it says, "and shall be treated as a State."  So-- so-- 
Justice Breyer:  Yes, it does.  But you say connote.  No, it's not a question of connotation; it is a question of denotation.  Now what does that mean?  It means that the Federal government, the Secretary, is establishing a thing for the State.  And what is the thing? The thing that it is establishing for the State is defined as an Exchange established by the State. 
Mr. Carvin:  To ­-- 
Justice Breyer:   Now, that person from Mars, who's literal, which I usually am not, but a literalist, I think would have to read it that way.  But if you-- if you're not a literalist, well, at least you could read it that way.  Now you want to go into the context ­­ if you want to go into the context, at that point it seems to me your argument really is weaker.
Based off of Justice Breyer's statement it would appear that the Government's position is support by a literalist's interpretation, which is bad for the Plaintiff. Once again this was my impression before hearing the Oral Arguments.


Point B


When it comes to what Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Kennedy said during the proceedings, it was fairly brief.  Neither asked that many questions.  Justice Kennedy asked more questions, but due to how he ruled in the previous decision, it will be interesting to see how he will rule in this case.

When discussing the Plaintiffs position Justice Kennedy raises a very interesting conclusion for the Plaintiffs reading of  the Statute:
"Let me say that from the standpoint of the dynamics of Federalism, it does seem to me that there is something very powerful to the point that if your argument is accepted, the States are being told either create your own Exchange, or we'll send your insurance market into a death spiral.  We'll have people pay mandated taxes which will not get any credit on ­­ on the subsidies.  The cost of insurance will be sky­high, but this is not coercion.  It seems to me that under your argument, perhaps you will prevail in the plain words of the statute, there's a serious constitutional problem if we adopt your argument."
Once again I do not do tea leaf readings, but based on this quote, if Justice Kennedy were to accept the Plaintiffs argument, then he would have to rule that the Federal Exchanges are unconstitutional as promulgated.

And as with Bond v. United States, 572 U.S. (2014) in ambiguity, the Court must read a statute in a way where it does not impinge on the basic Federal-­State relationship.

When it comes to Chief Justice Roberts, once again, besides for procedural issues he was mostly silent.  Perhaps the most interesting question he raised was "If you're right ­­if you're right about Chevron, that would indicate that a subsequent administration could change that interpretation?"

In other words, if the Court does not agree with Justice Breyer, in that the governments reading is not based on ambiguity, and agrees with with government because of the statute being ambiguous, the next administration could take away healthcare for millions of Americans.


Point III


This section actually agrees in part with something Justice Scalia said. Quelle horreur, I know! Justice Scalia raise a very good point about the whole situation:
"What about ­­ what about Congress?  You really think Congress is just going to sit there while ­­ while all of these disastrous consequences ensue.  I mean, how often have we come out with a decision such as the ­­ you know, the bankruptcy court decision?  Congress adjusts, enacts a statute that ­­ that takes care of the problem.  It happens all the time.  Why is that not going to happen here?"
In this context, Justice Scalia is referring to a circumstance where the Court rules in favor of the Plaintiff. but it also begs the why hasn't Congress clarified the situation. Well, other than the fact that the lower courts have ruled in favor of the Government. Congress could easily have fix this problem and made this case moot and also secured health care for 8-9 million Americans.

It's the legislature's job to fix legislation when it is broken or too unclear (when it's beyond Chevron Deference.)  This is a similar argument to when a statute is declared unconstitutional. It is up to the legislature to strike it from the books. It's why Texas still has anti-sodomy laws on their books. It's also the reason why the Voting Rights Act remains disassembled after Shelby County.

It drives me crazy when these situations arise, because they are often times so easy to fix. And yet they seem to never get done.


Liam '15

Sunday, August 24, 2014

Why?

On August 22 for SCOTUSblog Lyle Denniston wrote an in-depth article on divining the will of the Supreme Court in regards to certain types of same-sex marriage:

Since early this year, the Supreme Court has stepped back into the same-sex marriage controversy five times.  While it has done little to explain those actions, it has sent some signals about its thinking.  Its most important signals may have been those it appeared to have sent Wednesday, in putting off the issuance of marriage licenses to same-sex couples in Virginia.

Between the nine lines of that order, the Court implied that it will not be rushed into a decision about which, if any, cases it is going to review.  And it left no doubt that the Justices themselves, not the lawyers or their clients, are in charge of the timing.  The Court, in short, has not yet gotten caught up in the race to settle the basic constitutional issue just as soon as it could possibly do so.

Just as a refresher, the Supreme Court upheld the stay for the 4th Circuit and the 10th Circuit, but has allowed marriage to proceed in Pennsylvania and Oregon based on the logic put forward in Hollingworth.On the face it does appear to be a bit of a mix signal. The article goes on to say:

The Court had been urged, by all sides in the Virginia case, to speed up the process of finding a case for review by turning a simple request for delay into an actual, formal petition — a move that could have cut short several procedural steps, and set up the Virginia case as a prime candidate for review.

The Court silently refused the suggestion, simply delaying things in Virginia until after a county clerk actually files a petition for review, in the usual form and on the usual timetable.  That was a clear sign that the Court was doing its best to act as if it were business as usual, even on this hot constitutional controversy.

Obviously it would be nice if the Supreme Court would speed up the process, yet it is the Supreme Court. Perhaps the entire circumstance can best be summed by the sentence, "That was a clear sign that the Court was doing its best to act as if it were business as usual, even on this hot constitutional controversy."

Is a grant of review a certainty in coming months?  There is never a sufficiently strong advance signal to predict that.

In a weird way this article tells us everything and nothing. I do not find it unusual for the the Supreme Court to resist from being pushed into doing anything. And as for giving signals, the Supreme Court is notoriously leak-proof. 

There are two issues that emerge after reading the article: will the court even take up the issue and its significance; and why is there such a sense of urgency around this issue.

After reading the article, it is apparent that certiorari is not guaranteed. Due to the massive number of federal cases that have moved in the last year, it is tempting to say the Supreme Court will act; even though as Mr. Denniston has pointed out, marriage equality is a "hot constitutional controversy."

Though it is unlikely, what would it mean if the Court were to deny certiorari? The practical effect is that all the jurisdiction where marriage equality has been acted on by a court, but where a stay is in place, same-sex marriage will be legal. So if certiorari were denied tomorrow, the map would look like the following:



Same Sex Marriage Map August 2014


86.4% of American would live in a state with marriage equality. 

Denial of certiorari would probably be the greatest failing of the Robert's Court. It has been 47 years since Loving v. Virginia and now is the time. I mean for fuck-sake, Felons in prison have a constitutional right for 26 years when the Court granted it in Turner v. Safley, 482 U.S. 78 (1987). Felons before gays... felons, you know the people who can't vote because the have done bad things, people segregated from the rest of the population and locked away because they have done terrible things. They can get married. So, yah, if they don't act fuck 'em.

Addressing the second question, the urgency of the issue comes from the opposing sides, each with their own motivations.  The marriage opponents want the Supreme Court to put a quick end to the spread of marriage equality. The longer lower courts are able to issue pro-equality rulings, the more jurisdictions will issue pro-equality rulings.

For the marriage supporters, it is an issue of cruel fact that every minute of life counts. According to the CDC in 2011 In the US there were 2515458 deaths. Based on the controversially low CDC figure, 1.6% of the population is gay. Currently 43.5% of the US population lives in a state where same-sex marriage is currently available (places where gays can walk on down to the county clerk and actually get married.)

Therefore, around 62 gay people die each day unable to get married, or around 22,740 per year.

This year, two prominent women in the equality movement died. In March, Vernita Gray, who married Pat Ewert in Illinois, unfortunately passed away. While earlier this month, Fredia Hurdle, who was among the Plaintiffs in the Pennsylvania case, passed away unexpectedly before she could marry her partner of 24 years. My morbid point is that everyday for a large number of Americans, our rights come too late.


Liam '14